What Did The Communist Thugs Of Mao’s Cultural Revolution Do In 1966 China?

Thanks Areo Magazine For writing below article with some inserts by this writer.

Millions of class enemies (read: “conservatives”, Republicans, Independents, Libertarians, “non-conformists”, “liberty lovers” etc.) had their property confiscated or destroyed. It became a free-for-all as party officials stole property for personal gain. Tens of thousands of people were made homeless and deported to the countryside to labor in the fields. If they were lucky. If they were unlucky, they were tortured, murdered or driven to suicide. Whole families, including young children, were buried alive or dropped into wells. The Chairman and Ministry of Public Security declared that the police and People’s Liberation Army would not interfere in mob violence and would not enter schools or universities that were by then engaged in campaigns of terror. In just over two weeks, more than 100 teachers and administrators (same as above list) were murdered by their own students.  The Communist United Nations has chosen to intervene in America’s business – Video HERE.  Marxist “NO GO” zones in Seattle Washington HERE.  And Tucker Carlson Exposes HypocrisyHannity For Good Measure

Let’s get back to the Cultural Revolution now. Afraid of being denounced themselves, the members of the Red Guard (insert here Black Lives Matter & other leftist mobs) were driven to ever greater degrees of violence and zealotry in order to prove their dedication. They became detached from their families as they became more devoted to Mao. They dressed in unisex clothing and lived communally. They learned CCP slogans and the Chairman’s sayings by rote and acted in ritual worship of Mao, using cultic terminology. Eventually, Mao reined in the Red Guard and violence was used to suppress the Cultural Revolution. Yet, for years afterwards, the official purges (cleansing of the class ranks) continued brutally, leading to the persecution of up to 36 million people. The persecutions ranged from demotion, firing, imprisonment and confiscation of property to exile, torture and murder—even cannibalism.

Conservative estimates put the total death toll of the Cultural Revolution at between 400,000 and 1.5 million: high estimates range from 5 to 10 million.  The Communist take over of China starting in 1945 involved the deaths of likely more than 100 million.  Now imagine the likes of Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and other Democratic Socialists (read: Communists).  We have Leninists, Stalinists, and now Obamanists?  We’ll see.

The participants in lynch mobs and execution squads, such as those of the Cultural Revolution, were not psychopaths, as plentiful testimony proves. They—like their counterparts in other instances of mass violence—were ordinary people, who had been enabled to act in extreme ways. They were placed in situations that activated the reserves of savagery that every person has—that biological program that makes a parent murderously protective of a child or a mild-mannered individual willing to trample fallen people to escape a fire. These ordinary people are conditioned with a sustained narrative of victimhood and of standing up for compassion and humanity; they are bound into a group and then set upon another group classed as dangerous, criminal or hateful and tasked with enacting justice. In today’s mobs that assault monuments, we see people—educated in the victim narrative by politicians, schools and mass media—directed to correct history and prevent emotional injury to current and future generations through urgent and necessary action against effigies.

The scale of destruction and death in the Cultural Revolution was exceptional. However, note the language of its actors. It is the language used by revolutionary activists today when they talk about institutions and traditions. When they criticize systematic oppression, societal racism and the exploitation of the marginalized, they describe relics of past cultures as malevolent, transmitting hateful historical attitudes in ways that cause suffering. They are sometimes reduced to tears or inarticulate fury, so great is the injustice they wish to condemn. Many feel a fervent impatience to be rid of history wholesale, so that humanity can be completely reshaped. Any defense of conservation—even as an object lesson in discredited attitudes—is seen as shameless support for oppressive beliefs.

Once historical symbols have been erased, new targets are needed. Who better than the legatees of that erased culture? Inheritors of unearned privilege and property are parasites of oppressive systems. If these people are both the founders and beneficiaries of an oppressive system, why should they not be deprived of their rights, property and—ultimately—their lives? If this seems extreme, consider the course of the Russian and French revolutions, as well as the butchery of Rwanda and the Cambodian Killing Fields. In all cases, sustained periods of discontent, stoked by political fanatics, concluded with campaigns of vengeance and violence against both property and persons. Iconoclasm is an immediate precursor to suppression, persecution, expulsion and the massacring of people. Iconoclasm does not cause these acts and iconoclasm does not always lead to these acts, but those acts are always accompanied by iconoclasm.

Early stages of revolution are always linked to iconoclasm: the renaming of cities and streets, the destruction of monuments, the torching of palaces and the burning of books. The inequities of the past cannot be changed, but revenge can be wreaked upon its symbols. The destruction of symbols tests the acceptance of violence by legal authorities and the wider public. It is a preliminary stage to more extreme acts. Iconoclasm precedes criminalization, confiscation, imprisonment, exile and genocide. Iconoclasm is part of a nexus of the activity of one group seeking to exert control over another group. If iconoclasm is met by strong unequivocal sanctions and widespread condemnation, it can be curbed; if it is not, the push to take more extreme measures will expand outwards.

Look at mobs which gather to smash monuments. These monuments may be the statues of deposed dictators who terrorized populations, causing untold death and suffering. They may be monuments to fallen soldiers who died defending causes that are no longer fashionable. The mob’s anger is the same. The viciousness and triumphant celebrations are the same. Only the causes differ in seriousness, topicality and justification. In today’s US, students view the toppling Civil War memorials as a way of fighting evil personified—when, in fact, their actions are more akin to those of the furious teenagers of the Cultural Revolution, who smashed delicate vases. The Civil War statue destroyers think they are assaulting the posterity of slave owners, but they themselves are in the grip of ideological fervor. They are unaware that they are running a biological code, hardwired in their brains by evolution and activated by political extremists. The activists of today heedlessly erase history they haven’t yet learned to read. They act as the hammer that extremists use to deface the cathedrals and museums our ancestors built.

Could this hammer soon be turned from smashing statues to killing people? It has happened before, and appears to be happening again.


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